OPINIONS
Happy Labour Day! B.C. Is Politically Homeless — Can a New Party Finally Give Voters Somewhere to Go?
B.C. Is Politically Homeless — Can a New Party Finally Give Voters Somewhere to Go?
The collapse of the B.C. Conservatives has opened the door to another centre-right party. But changing the name on the sign will not be enough.
By Chad Dashly | The Current
British Columbia is not short of political parties. It is short of competent government.
Families are struggling with the cost of housing, groceries and taxes. Patients are waiting too long for care. Resource communities are watching forestry jobs disappear. Small businesses are buried under costs and regulation. Meanwhile, the provincial government is forecasting a record $13.3-billion deficit.
Against that backdrop, the Official Opposition has chosen to fight itself.
Nine MLAs have left the B.C. Conservative caucus since Kerry-Lynne Findlay narrowly won the leadership in May. Five of them — Peter Milobar, Ian Paton, Rosalyn Bird, Bruce Banman and Áʼa꞉líya Warbus — are now working together to establish a new provincial party.
The group intends to have the still-unnamed party registered before the legislature returns on October 5. Milobar is acting as interim leader, and the five MLAs plan to hold an internal leadership vote and seek official third-party status. Their stated priorities include affordability, health care, taxation, resource development, the economy, and land and property rights. (Global News)
Those are the right subjects. Whether these MLAs have the discipline and courage to do anything meaningful about them is another question.
The formation of this party is not simply another episode in Victoria’s endless game of musical chairs. It reflects something much bigger: thousands of British Columbians no longer believe either major party speaks for them.
The NDP has been in power long enough to own the condition of the province. It can blame Ottawa, Donald Trump, global uncertainty or the weather, but eventually a government must be judged by results.
On affordability, health care, public safety and fiscal management, those results are not good enough.
Even the government’s own budget acknowledges that British Columbians are stretched by the cost of living and that the province faces serious fiscal pressure. Budget 2026 nevertheless commits B.C. to years of deficits while taxpayer-supported debt continues to climb. (B.C. Budget 2026)
Government spending is not inherently bad. Governments must build hospitals, schools, roads and other essential infrastructure. But record spending accompanied by deteriorating services is not an accomplishment. It is a warning.
The B.C. Conservatives should be exploiting that vulnerability. Instead, they have spent the summer demonstrating that they cannot manage their own caucus.
Findlay inherited a party that needed healing after a bruising leadership race. What it received was more division, resignations and public accusations. Senior party officials departed. MLAs walked away. The organization that came within a whisker of forming government in 2024 has been reduced from 44 elected members to 28.
That is not renewal. It is political self-destruction.
The new party believes it can provide a home for voters who are tired of the NDP but cannot support the direction of the B.C. Conservatives. Ian Paton used precisely that language when he said the goal was to give politically homeless British Columbians somewhere to go.
There is undoubtedly an opening. But there is also a trap.
British Columbia has seen this movie before. Social Credit collapsed. The B.C. Liberals assembled a broad free-enterprise coalition, governed for 16 years, renamed themselves BC United and then vanished from the electoral map. The Conservatives surged into the vacuum, only to begin tearing themselves apart almost immediately.
Another new logo, another slogan and another collection of familiar political faces will not be enough.
If this new party wants to survive, it must clearly explain why it exists.
Is it a centrist version of the B.C. Conservatives? Is it BC United with a fresh coat of paint? Is it a traditional free-enterprise coalition? Or is it simply a temporary shelter for MLAs who no longer want to sit under Findlay?
Voters deserve a straight answer.
The party must also resist the temptation to define itself only by what it is against. Saying it is not the NDP and not Kerry-Lynne Findlay is not a platform.
It needs a serious plan to control spending without gutting essential services. It needs a resource strategy that gets forestry, mining, energy and agriculture moving again. It needs credible answers on housing, crime, addiction and health-care access. It must defend property rights while building practical, respectful relationships with Indigenous communities.
Above all, it must show discipline.
British Columbians are exhausted by political theatre. They do not need another party built around personalities, grudges or leadership ambitions. They need adults who can sit around a table, disagree privately, reach decisions and then move forward together.
The opportunity facing Milobar and his colleagues is real. So is the risk.
A divided centre-right could split the opposition vote and hand the NDP another term. But a credible, practical and disciplined new party could also force every party in the province to raise its game.
That would be good for British Columbia.
The next election should not be a contest over which party frightens voters the least. It should be a serious debate about how to restore affordability, rebuild the economy, deliver dependable public services and bring basic accountability back to Victoria.
British Columbia does not need another political club.
It needs a government-in-waiting.
The new party now has an opportunity to prove it can become one.
BC STORIES
Why the Early Election Gamble Backfired on the NDP
The B.C. Conservative Party is set to claim two-thirds of legislative seats after David Eby’s snap election call backfired, leaving the NDP seeking new leadership.
Voters Deliver Decisive Result in 2026 Snap Vote
Following the outcome of British Columbia’s 2026 snap election, the Conservative Party of B.C. is set to capture two-thirds of the seats in the legislature, leaving the NDP searching for a new party leader. Outgoing Premier David Eby initiated the vote two years ahead of schedule, citing the need for a fresh mandate to confront U.S. trade challenges while also seeking to capitalize on internal Conservative divisions.
However, the early vote call drew criticism from within his own party. NDP MLA Ravi Parmar, who won a tight contest in Langford-Highlands, stated that electors sent a clear signal that the early election was a mistake. According to Parmar, the party spent the campaign defending the timing of the vote rather than promoting its platform, which severely hurt their leadership.
Record-Low Voter Turnout and Campaign Missteps
Preliminary figures indicate voter participation dropped to just over 48 per cent. Total votes fell for both major parties compared to 2024, with Conservatives dropping by approximately 50,000 votes and the NDP seeing a decline of about 275,000. Mario Canseco of polling firm Research Co. pointed to poor messaging and rainy weather as factors, noting that Eby’s campaign remained focused on attacking former Conservative leader Kerry-Lynne Findlay, even though she had resigned two days prior to the election call.
Canseco noted that voters perceived interim Conservative leader Lorne Doerkson as a steady presence, making the NDP’s warnings of party instability ineffective. Late-campaign efforts by Eby to draw Green Party voters to the NDP also proved insufficient, as calculations showed the Conservatives would have won even if all Green supporters had shifted their ballots.
Analysis of a Political Miscalculation
Political science lecturer Stewart Prest from the University of British Columbia described the early call as a major political blunder and an own goal driven by partisan hubris. He noted that Eby ran a negative campaign that ultimately failed to resonate with the public.
Former Conservative leader John Rustad attributed his party’s victory to public dissatisfaction with the opportunistic timing of the election. Rustad, who became the party’s sole MLA in 2023 before leading them close to victory in 2024, said voters have used the past two years to become more comfortable with the Conservatives, who have not governed the province in a century.
Campaign consultant Mike McKinnon, who advised calling the snap election to secure a stronger mandate for trade negotiations, admitted the decision proved far more damaging than anticipated. Unlike the 2020 early election under John Horgan, where public frustration quickly faded, McKinnon acknowledged that Eby remained stuck defending the decision throughout the entire campaign.
OPINIONS
Why Premier-Elect Lorne Doerkson Must Clear a Party Rulebook Hurdle After B.C. Election
B.C. Premier-elect Lorne Doerkson faces a party constitutional clause after leading the B.C. Conservatives to a majority victory, ending a decade of NDP rule.
Internal Rule Poses Post-Election Hurdle for Premier-Elect
Following a decisive victory that delivered a two-thirds majority government to the B.C. Conservatives on Saturday, premier-elect Lorne Doerkson is moving quickly to resolve an internal administrative constraint regarding his leadership. Under the party’s current constitution, an interim leader is barred from seeking the permanent leadership in a subsequent ballot unless two-thirds of the party’s membership votes to change the clause.
Addressing reporters on Sunday, Doerkson dismissed concerns that the internal provision would prevent him from serving as premier. He characterized the matter as an administrative detail with further details coming imminently, asserting that he remains party leader and is thrilled to be premier-elect of a united party.
Party Leadership Transition and Local Mandate
Doerkson, who won the riding of Cariboo-Chilcotin after switching from B.C. United earlier this year, assumed the interim leadership shortly before outgoing NDP Premier David Eby called a snap election on Sept. 22. The election outcome brought an end to nearly ten years of NDP governance in British Columbia, completing a rapid rise for a party that captured under two per cent of the vote in 2020.
The brief leadership transition followed the sudden departure of Kerry-Lynne Findlay just days prior to the campaign. On Saturday, Findlay offered congratulations online for what she described as a historic victory, while newly elected West Vancouver-Capilano MLA Caroline Elliott—who previously lost a close leadership contest to Findlay—expressed full support for Doerkson, stating he had earned the trust of British Columbians.
Constitutional Amendment and Base Reaction
To secure Doerkson’s position, the party’s board confirmed it intends to pursue appropriate measures to amend the constitution, stating publicly that a premier selected by voters deserves the certainty of leading the party. Former B.C. premier Gordon Campbell also voiced support at the election-night event, describing Doerkson as an honest and straightforward figure.
However, political analysts point out potential friction within the party’s membership. Hamish Telford, an associate professor of political science at the University of the Fraser Valley, noted that a significant segment of the base had sought to distance the party from B.C. Liberal ties. Telford raised questions about how grassroots members will respond as the Conservatives shift toward a mainstream, business-oriented direction.
OPINIONS
Doerkson to British Columbia: The Waiting Is Over
Doerkson to British Columbia: The Waiting Is Over
Lorne Doerkson’s promise to make British Columbia a place where investment and opportunity can grow is compelling. The test will be whether his government can turn the speech into visible results.
Lorne Doerkson says British Columbia must replace uncertainty with action. His first message as premier-elect sets an ambitious direction on investment, energy, health care and affordability. Now the work is to make those promises real.
British Columbia has heard plenty of promises about its potential. What it has not always seen is the follow-through that turns potential into projects, jobs and opportunity.
That is why Lorne Doerkson’s first speech as premier-elect landed on a simple, memorable point: “You can plan around a no, but you can’t plan around a maybe.”
It is a sharp description of what can happen when businesses, workers and communities cannot tell whether a project will move forward, what it will cost or how long approval will take. Uncertainty does not sit still. Investment can go elsewhere. Young people can build their lives somewhere else. Communities can wait years for decisions that shape their future.
Doerkson’s answer is to say yes to investment and to cut red tape “like it’s never been cut before.” He promised a business summit in Vancouver next year and set out clear ambitions for natural gas production: doubling it by 2032 and tripling it by 2035. He argued that growth could mean tens of thousands of jobs and at least $6 billion a year for hospitals and schools.
Those are big commitments. They give British Columbians something concrete to measure. They also create a responsibility for the incoming government: explain how the province will reach those targets, what infrastructure and approvals will be required, and how communities will see the benefits.
The same test applies to the rest of the speech. Doerkson spoke about more fibre moving by truck, permits issued in months rather than years, support for mineral exploration, ports and rail that can get products to market, and reliable power for new industrial projects. Each promise speaks to a practical problem. Together, they describe a province that wants to build again.
But a change in tone will matter only if people can see a change in the process. If permits still take years, if grid connections remain out of reach or if communities cannot get clear answers, the language of “yes” will become another political slogan.
Doerkson also tied growth to the daily concerns of families. He promised a $1,000 tax cut as a start and no new taxes. He spoke of a publicly funded health-care system, rural emergency rooms and maternity wards that are open, family doctors for people who need them, and safer hospitals for staff.
These are not side issues to an economic plan. A province cannot persuade families to stay if they cannot find a doctor, rely on local emergency care or see a path to owning a home. The promise that a hard day’s work should lead to a family home and a future in British Columbia will be judged against the cost of living and the services people depend on.
On public safety, Doerkson said criminals should remain behind bars while people who need treatment should receive it. On property rights and parks, he offered assurances to landowners and the public. These commitments will require careful decisions in government. Protecting property, expanding access and responding to public safety concerns can involve competing interests. Voters will expect clear rules and consistent results.
The most personal part of the speech was its appeal to people considering leaving. To business owners, Doerkson urged them to stay and grow here. To young people, he said this is their home and their best days should happen close to family and friends, in a place they can afford.
That appeal is understandable. It also raises the standard for the government. People do not stay because a premier asks them to. They stay when opportunity is real, housing is within reach, public services work and their effort has a future here.
A province cannot eliminate every delay, disagreement or difficult trade-off. But it can make decisions on time, state its rules plainly and give people confidence that the answer will not remain “maybe” forever.
Doerkson has set an ambitious direction: a British Columbia where investment comes first, projects move, public services are strong and young people can build their lives at home. The speech made the case. Now the government must show, one decision at a time, that the waiting really is over.
—Chad Dashly
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